MENTAL HEALTH, DEPRESSION, ANXIETY AND STRESS AMONG NOMADS

MENTAL HEALTH, DEPRESSION, ANXIETY AND STRESS AMONG NOMADS INTRODUCTION MENTAL HEALTH Definitions of mental health are changing. It used to be that a person was considered to have good mental health simply if they showed no signs or symptoms of a mental illness. But in recent years, there has been a shift towards a more holistic approach to mental health. Today, we recognize that good mental health is not just the absence of mental illness. Nor is it absolute – some people are more mentally healthy than others, whether you are mentally ill or not. These realizations are prompting a new kind of focus on mental health that identifies components of mental wellness and mental fitness and explore ways to encourage them.1773: The first hospital for the mentally ill in the US opened in Williamsburg, Virginia. 1840: There were only eight “asylums for the insane” in the United States. Dorothea Dix crusaded for the establishment or enlargement of 32 mental hospitals, and transfer of those with mental illness from almshouses and jails. First attempt to measure the extent of mental illness and mental retardation in the United States occurred with the U.S. Census of 1840, which included the category “insane and idiotic.” 1900: The “mental hygiene” movement began; Clifford Beers, a mental health consumer, who shocked readers with a graphic account of hospital conditions in his famous book, The Mind that Found Itself. Inspection of immigrants at Ellis Island included screening to detect the “mentally disturbed and retarded”. The high incidence of mental disorders among immigrants prompted public recognition of mental illness as a national health problem. 1930: The US Public Health Service (PHS) established the Narcotics Division, later named the Division of Mental Hygiene, bringing together research and treatment programs to combat drug addiction and study of the causes, prevalence, and means of preventing and treating nervous and mental disease. 1944: During World War II, severe shortages of professional mental health personnel and the understanding of the causes, treatment, and prevention of mental illness lagged behind other fields of medical science and public health. Dr.William Menninger, chief of Army neuropsychiatry, called for federal action. A national mental health program was proposed, forming the foundation of the National Mental Health Act of 1946. 1946: On July 3, President Truman signed the National Mental Health Act, creating for the first time in US history a significant amount of funding for psychiatric education and research and leading to the creation in 1949 of the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH). 1999: The Supreme Court issues its opinion on Olmstead v. L.C which held that it is a violation of the Americans with Disabilities Act to keep individuals in restrictive inpatient settings when more appropriate community services are available. The National Council for Community Behavioral Healthcare helped to secure passage of the Ticket to Work and Work Incentives Improvement Act (TWWIIA, P.L. 106-170). TWWIIA removed many of the disincentives that faced people with disabilities receiving SSI or SSDI benefits but wished to return to full-time employment. In the event of a reoccurrence of an acute episode, the law includes presumed eligibility for immediate continuation of SSI or SSDI cash payments. 2002: An in-depth study on co-occurring disorders, mandated under the Children’s Health Act of 2000, was delivered to Congress. The National Council for Community Behavioral Healthcare, along with several coalition partners, played a prominent role in the writing of this report. President Bush increased funding for Community Health Centers that provided appropriations for the construction of additional centers and offered more services, including behavioral healthcare benefits President Bush forms the New Freedom Commission on Mental Health, which will seek “to Conduct a comprehensive study of the United States mental health service delivery system, including both private and public sector providers.” The Commission is charged with a set of objectives that includes reviewing the current quality and effectiveness of private and public providers, identifying innovative services, treatments, technologies, and issuing a report on its subsequent recommendations. Minnesota State Legislature approves copays and adjusts GAMC eligibility, decreasing eligible populations. 2003: President Bush’s New Freedom Commission on Mental Health issued final report, “to conduct a comprehensive study of the United States mental health service delivery system, including both private and public sector providers.” Objectives include reviewing the quality and effectiveness of private and public providers, identifying innovative services, treatments, technologies, and report on its subsequent recommendations. Facing 4.5 billion dollar deficit, MN State Legislature approves copays, adjusts GAMC eligibility, and decreases eligible populations, creating a direct impact on the MH system. The MH Action Group is created to recommend strategies to improve and reform the Minnesota MH system across both private and public sectors. DEPRESSION An illness that involves the body, mood, and thoughts, that affects the way a person eats and sleeps, the way one feels about oneself, and the way one thinks about things. A depressive disorder is not the same as a passing blue mood. It is not a sign of personal weakness or a condition that can be wished away. People with a depressive disease cannot merely "pull themselves together" and get better. Without treatment, symptoms can last for weeks, months, or years. Appropriate treatment, however, can help most people with depression. Clinical depression is still widely misunderstood. The prevailing attitude is "Keep a stiff upper lip, have a drink, maybe it will go away." About 12% of men and up to 25% of women suffer from depression during their lifetimes. While more women attempt suicide, men are more likely to be successful. Depression can make your life seem painful and pointless. It can also make life in general seem empty and meaningless. Simply dismissing these feelings as "irrational" or a symptom of "illness" ignores the fact that questions about the meaning of life are profound issues facing humanity in general. the deeper meaning of 'depression' from a non-dual standpoint (what is the 'self' that is depressed?)going beyond the view of depression as a 'disease' or 'illness' and finding the truth in the experience of it our tendency to escape pain and create suffering the possibility of finding freedom within suffering, so that suffering is no longer something to be feared. Jeff also discusses how nonduality and wholeness relate to the experience of mental illness, why unconditional love and compassion can only be discovered here and now, and the paradox of impersonal truth within personal experience.(Jeff Foster September 2011.The Deeper Meaning of Depression.). Major or severe depression (also known as clinical depression or unipolar disorder) occurs when, in broad terms, feelings of a depressed, low mood together with a loss of interest in the normal pleasures and activities of life persist for a period of more than two weeks. This type of depression occurs in persons who are experiencing depression in combination with psychosis. Psychosis occurs when a person suffers from hallucinations, which is seeing or hearing things that are not there or when they can suffer from irrational fears and thought processes called delusions. Bipolar disorder was formerly known as manic depression. There are in fact three main types of bipolar disorder. Bipolar I disorder is the more severe form of the disease that can severely affect careers, relationships and the lives of others, especially family.In its classic form, Bipolar I is characterized by extreme mood swings – from mania to severe depression. Atypical depression is so called because it can be subject to improvement where the sufferer experiences something positive in their life. In typical forms of depression, external events will not affect mood substantially in this way. Some experts believe this type of depression to be linked to dysthymia, while others think it is a milder form of cyclothymia. In the same way that major depression differs from simple sadness or unhappiness, postpartum depression differs from the baby blues that affect 80% of new mothers. Postpartum depression usually occurs from 1-3 months up to a year after delivery of the baby. ANXIETY Anxiety (also called angst or worry) is a psychological and physiological state characterized by somatic, emotional, cognitive, and behavioral components. ( Seligman, M.E.P., Walker, E.F. & Rosenhan, D.L..Abnormal psychology, (4th ed.) New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.) It is the displeasing feeling of fear and concern.( Davison, Gerald C. (2008). Abnormal Psychology. Toronto: Veronica Visentin. pp. 154. ISBN 978-0-470-84072-6.). The root meaning of the word anxiety is 'to vex or trouble'; in either presence or absence of psychological stress, anxiety can create feelings of fear, worry, uneasiness, and dread.( Bouras, n. and Holt, G. (2007). Psychiatric and Behavioural Disorders in Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities 2nd ed. Cambridge University Press: UK.).Anxiety is considered to be a normal reaction to a stressor. It may help an individual to deal with a demanding situation by prompting them to cope with it. The physical effects of anxiety may include heart palpitations, tachycardia, muscle weakness and tension, fatigue, nausea, chest pain, shortness of breath, stomach aches, or headaches. As the body prepares to deal with a threat, blood pressure, heart rate, perspiration, blood flow to the major muscle groups are increased, while immune and digestive functions are inhibited (the fight or flight response). External signs of anxiety may include pallor, sweating, trembling, and pupillary dilation. The emotional effects of anxiety may include "feelings of apprehension or dread, trouble concentrating, feeling tense or jumpy, anticipating the worst, irritability, restlessness, watching (and waiting) for signs (and occurrences) of danger, and, feeling like your mind's gone blank"( Smith, Melinda (2008, June). The cognitive effects of anxiety may include thoughts about suspected dangers, such as fear of dying. "You may... fear that the chest pains are a deadly heart attack or that the shooting pains in your head are the result of a tumor or aneurysm. The behavioral effects of anxiety may include withdrawal from situations which have provoked anxiety in the past. The different types of anxiety are Social anxiety is a specific type of anxiety that occurs in social situations. People with social anxiety may have trouble talking in class, giving speeches, going to parties, or even meeting someone new. Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD) occurs when a person is consumed with worry about almost every aspect of his/her life. People with GAD worry about themselves, their families, and even the state of the world in general. Panic Disorder is characterized by panic attacks, or an intense fear that seems to occur for no apparent reason. A phobia is a specific fear, for instance a fear of water, snakes, or heights. Phobias are intense fears that are unrealistic or overblown. When something terrifying or tragic happens to a person, he or she can develop Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). PTSD can be brought about by an accident, a life-threatening situation (like a rape or assault), or a natural disaster (like an earthquake or fire). STRESS Stress is the body's reaction to a change that requires a physical, mental or emotional adjustment or response. Stress can come from any situation or thought that makes you feel frustrated, angry, nervous, or anxious. Stress is caused by an existing stress-causing factor or "stressor."Dealing with a serious illness or caring for someone who is can cause a great deal of stress.( From Angela Morrow, RN. January 19, 2011). Stress is defined as an organism's total response to environmental demands or pressures. When stress was first studied in the 1950s, the term was used to denote both the causes and the experienced effects of these pressures. More recently, however, the word stressor has been used for the stimulus that provokes a stress response. One recurrent disagreement among researchers concerns the definition of stress in humans. Is it primarily an external response that can be measured by changes in glandular secretions, skin reactions, and other physical functions, or is it an internal interpretation of, or reaction to, a stressor; or is it both?. Stress in humans results from interactions between persons and their environment that are perceived as straining or exceeding their adaptive capacities and threatening their well-being. The element of perception indicates that human stress responses reflect differences in personality, as well as differences in physical strength or general health.Risk factors for stress-related illnesses are a mix of personal, interpersonal, and social variables. These factors include lack or loss of control over one's physical environment, and lack or loss of social support networks. People who are dependent on others (e.g., children or the elderly) or who are socially disadvantaged (because of race, gender, educational level, or similar factors) are at greater risk of developing stress-related illnesses. Other risk factors include feelings of helplessness, hopelessness, extreme fear or anger, and cynicism or distrust of others. The use of the term ‘stress' is now so integrated into our thoughts that it sometimes feels it has always been there. In fact stress, as we currently think of it, is a relatively new concept and is one that continues to evolve. Had we lived in the fourteenth century we would most certainly have used the term stress. But, with one or two notable exceptions, it would have had very little to do with our psychological state, except perhaps by implication. Stress had more to do with adversity, hardship or some form of affliction. It was not until the eighteenth and nineteenth century that a shift in meaning started to occur. The different types of stress are, acute stress is the most common form of stress. It comes from demands and pressures of the recent past and anticipated demands and pressures of the near future. Episodic Acute there are those, however, who suffer acute stress frequently, whose lives are so disordered that they are studies in chaos and crisis. While acute stress can be thrilling and exciting, chronic stress is not. This is the grinding stress that wears people away day after day, year after year. Chronic stress destroys bodies, minds and lives. It wreaks havoc through long-term attrition. NOMADS A member of a group of people who have no fixed home and move according to the seasons from place to place in search of food, water, and grazing land (According to Dictionary). A person with no fixed residence who roams about; a wanderer. Nomads are one of a group of people without fixed habitation, especially pastoralists. (Some authorities prefer the terms "no sedentary" or "migratory" rather than "nomadic" to describe mobile hunter-gatherers.) Wandering herders living in tents still occupy sections of Asia, and the hunting groups of the Far North, including the Eskimo, still predominate in much of the arctic and subarctic regions; parts of Africa and Australia are also peopled with nomadic groups. Although nomadism has been a way of life for many groups, it is on the decline. Besides the herders and the hunters and fishers, there are nomadic groups that move about in search of seasonal wild plants as food (such as the camass bulb formerly sought by the Native Americans of the Pacific Northwest and the wild rice gathered in the Great Lakes region). Peoples who move seasonally but have permanent homes for part of the year are said to be semi-nomadic; there have been semi nomadic peoples of various types throughout history. The term semi-sedentary is applied to traditional populations who practice slash-and-burn agriculture in tropical forest clearings and are forced to move their villages periodically due to the soil exhaustion. Nomadic groups are generally organized in tribal units, and usually the adult males are closely knit into war bands in order to establish territorial rights over the area within which a group migrates. These nomads are known as a group of communities who use to travel place to place for livelihood. Some are service providers—salt traders, fortune-tellers, conjurers, Ayurvedic healers. And some are jugglers, acrobats, grindstone makers, storytellers, snake charmers, animal doctors, tattooists, basket makers. All told, anthropologists have identified about 500 nomadic groups in India, numbering perhaps 80 million people—around 7 percent of the country's billion-plus population. The nomadic communities in India can be broadly divided into two groups as pastoral (The adjective pastoral refers to the lifestyle of pastoralists, such as shepherds herding livestock around open areas of land according to seasons and the changing availability of water and pasturage. It also refers to a genre in literature, art or music that depicts such shepherd life in an idealized manner, for urban audiences. As a noun, a pastoral refers to a single work of such art, poetry, music or drama) and the peripatetic groups. Peripatetic nomads are the most neglected and discriminated social group in India. They have lost their livelihood niche (the specific product features aimed at satisfying specific market needs, as well as the price range, production quality and the demographics that is intended to impact)because of drastic changes in transport, industries, and production, entertainment and distribution systems. Though very poor and deprived they are still not facilitated with any constitutional safeguard and concern. Statistics show that governments are applying development policies which are basically invented for scheduled tribes or scheduled casts. The government of India in early 2006 has set up a commission for the development of these communities. They Development history Nomadic people have always been a source of suspicion to sedentary people. In the colonial period the British normalized a set of notions about such groups that echoed European ideas about the gypsies. They listed such groups that posed a ‘threat’ to settled society and introduced a legislative measure, the Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) in 1871 and as a result of which nearly 200 such communities stood ‘notified’ as criminal.The Targalas or Nayaks have been itinerant drama troupes in Gujarat who moved from village to village to perform ‘Bhavai’, a folk dance theatre form. These performers too carry the stigma of criminality. There are numerous folk tales of ‘the skillful thefts’ allegedly committed by Bhavai troupe members. And if a burglary had taken place in a village where Bhavai had been performed, members of the troupe would be arrested and interrogated. The itinerant Bhavai players have always been expected to report their entry, stay and exit to the village headman. The folk dance drama of Bhavai probably originated in the then Anart Pradesh (now North Gujarat). It then spread over other parts of Gujarat, Saurashtra, Kutch and Marvad (now Rajasthan). It has been a popular form of entertainment among the rural and the townsfolk from the 14th century through to the 19th century in the North-west region of India. Although its origin are in the worship of the Mother Goddess, Bhavani, it has gathered secular elements with the passage of time and come to embrace the whole range of human emotions of the rural community. It is to Gujarat what Yashagana is to Andhra Pradesh, Nautanki to Uttar Pradesh, Tamasha and Lalit to Maharashtra - a veritable folk dance drama.The performing Targalas are believed to be the descendents of the poet Asait Thakar of Unjha who lived in the 14th century. As the legend goes, Asait was a Audichhya Brahmin of Unjha in North Gujarat. His host Hemala Patel’s daughter Ganga was kidnapped by a Khiljl, Sardar Jahan Roz. Hemala Patel urged Asait Thakar to use his artistic skills to help liberate his daughter from the Sardar. Asait told the Sardar, after pleasing him with his performance and songs that he should liberate the girl, who he claimed was his. The two types of Nomads Pastoral Nomadic people Pastoral nomads in India are distinguished from other nomads in India in that they breed animals and this distinguishes them from other groups that which make a living by combining with other itinerant professions such as blacksmithing such as [[Gadia Lohar), or selling salt such as the Lambadi. These pastoral groups are concentrated in certain regions such as the semi-arid and arid Thar desert region and the neighboring salt marches of Kutch along the India Pakistan border, the alpine and sub-alpine zones above 3200 meters in the Himalayas forming the states of Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Types of livestock kept in mobile pastoral systems include buffaloes, sheep, goats, camels, cattle, donkeys, and yaks among others. Unlike in the Middle East, where pastoralist are organized in tribes occupying distinct areas, in India pastoralist are integrated in the caste system, representing endogamous social units specialising in animal husbandry. In western India in the Kutch region, there are groups of padtoral nomads known as the Maldhari. The word Maldhari means in the local Kutchi language means an "owner of animal stock". The larger pastoral communities found in India are many some of them are Ahir is an Indian caste. The term can be used synonymously with Yadav, as the latter term refers to Ahirs who have identified as Yadavs. The major divisions of Ahirs are: Yaduvanshi, Nandvanshi, and Gwalvanshi. Ahirs ruled the whole of Haryana under the Mogul rule and later were declared as independent kings. Vātsyāyana also noted the Abhira kingdoms in the Kama Sutra.Ahirs also ruled beyond the geographical borders of present-day India, as kings of the hilly terrain of Nepal. Eight kings of the first Ahir dynasty ruled Nepal, the first being Bhuktaman and the last Yaksha Gupta. Owing to pastoral disputes, this dynasty was replaced by another Ahir dynasty. The second Ahir dynasty had a succession of three kings: Badasimha, Jaymati Simha, and Bhuban Simha. Their rule ended when the Kirati invaders defeated Bhuban Simha. The Banjara are a class of usually described as nomadic people from the Indian state of Rajasthan, North-West Gujarat, and Western Madhya Pradesh and Eastern Sindh province of pre-independence Pakistan. They claim to belong to the clan of Agnivanshi Rajputs, and are also known as Banjari, Pindari, Bangala, Banjori, Banjuri, Brinjari, Lamani, Lamadi, Lambani, Labhani, Lambara, Lavani, Lemadi, Lumadale, Labhani Muka, Goola, Gurmarti, Gormati, Kora, Sugali, Sukali, Tanda, Vanjari, Vanzara, and Wanji. Together with the Domba, they are sometimes called the "gypsies of India".The origin of Banjara community is stated in the area between Bikaner and Bahawalpur, Pakistan. After the fall of the Rajputs, they started spreading across the country. The Banjara had spread to Andhra Pradesh, Haryana, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and other states of India. About half their number speak Lambadi, one of the Rajasthani dialects, while others are native speakers of Hindi, Telugu and other languages dominant in their respective areas of settlement. Rathod, Parmar, Pawar,Naik,Chauhan,and Jadhav castes belong to Banjara community in Rajasthan and Gujarat now are in General Seats after the communal rights taken place in Rajasthan for Reservation in 2008 as they were landlords in Amarkot, Fathaykot and Sialkot before Partition of India and Pakistan. They are an ST in Andhra Pradesh (where they are listed as Sugali), Orissa, Karnataka Scheduled_castes_and_scheduled_tribes, Haryana, Punjab, and Himachal Pradesh. Even though, they settled across the country, they still consider themselves as nomad community. The traditional food of Banjara is bati (roti). Daliya is a dish cooked using many cereals, such as wheat or jawar. Banjara people also enjoy many non-vegetarian foods. Among the non-vegetarian dishes unique to them are saloi, made from goat blood and other goat parts. In Andhara, fish is their main food. The Banajara are also known for preferring spicy food. The dressing style is that women are known to wear colorful and beautiful costumes like phetiya (as ghagra) and kanchalli (as top) and have mehendi tattoos on their hands. The dress is considered fancy and attractive by Western cultures. They use mirror chips and often coins to decorate it. Women put on thick bangles on their arms (patli). Their ornaments are made up of silver rings, coins, chain and hair pleats are tied together at the end by chotla.Men wear dhoti and kurta (short with many folds). These clothes were designed especially for the protection from harsh climate in deserts and to distinguish them from others. The Bharwad are a Hindu caste found in the state of Gujarat in India. Those of Saurashtra use Ahir as a surname, Bharwad consider themselves as Nandvanshi Ahirs. Enthoven (1920) writes that Bharwads numbered 95,832 according to 1901 census. The term Bharwad is said to be a modified form of the word badawad, from the Gujarati words bada meaning sheep and wada meaning enclosure. This name was said to be acquired by the Bharwad on the account of their traditional occupation of being shepherds. According to their own traditions they are descendents of Anavil Bharwad, who helped a Chavda prince regain his kingdom. There are also traditions that they are members of the Ahir tribe who took up the occupation of shepherding. Kurumbar or Kurumans or Kurubaru caste are shepherds of South India. They are indigenous people of India. Even though they are called in different names like 'Kurumans', 'Kurumbar' or 'Kuruba' and these names are synonyms and one and the same. They speak Kuruman tribal Kannada language. Their God is Veerabadra (Beera dhevaru). They celebrate the God by breaking coconuts on their heads. Their surnames are Gounder, Gowder, Heggade, Naiker, and others. They are known as Dhangar in rest of India. Gaderia is exclusively used for the cattle grazing community of North India. Gaderia, Charvaha, Gwala and Gujar are synonyms of herdsman. They are also known as Dhangar, Baghel or Pal. In fact Gaderia was no particular community but an occupation which the Brahmins, Kshatriyas and other castes have taken to. The Gaderia are people who fled to jungles and hills to escape conversion during the Mughal period, made cattle grazing their profession. The Gaderia are a caste of shepherds, goat, cow herders and blanket makers. The Baghela sect of the Gaderia derives their name from the Baghela river which flows in Madhya Pradesh. According to their traditions a Gaderia king named Baghela ruled them and they claim descent from him. Their emigration is said to have occurred in the Middle Age. In Haryana, the Gaderia claim that took the rearing of goats, when they were pushed into the jungle by rivals. They have four sub-groups, the Dhangar, Nabbhar, Kanchane and Saila. The communities speak Haryanvi. The Gaderia claim Kshatriya status, though this (as well as relationships with the Thakur) is disputed by the Baghela. The Gaddi are a tribe living mainly in the Indian states of Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir. They are Hindus and belong to several castes including Ahir, Brahmin, Rajput, Dhangar/Gaderiya, Khatri, Rana and Thakur. The language (dialect) spoken within the tribe is Gaddi. Old people used the Tankri script. Gaddi is a generic term used for all of the indigenous population of the Bharmaur area of Chamba district and some regions of Jammu and Kashmir. The word Gaddi means ‘seat’ and since Bharmaur was the seat of the Raja of Chamba, all the people of the Gaderan called themselves Gaddi. They are staunch worshipper of Lord Shiva as their Lok Devita. Gavli is a pastoral community found in the states of Goa and Maharashtra in India. The word Gavli means a milkmen or herdsmen in the Marathi language, and refers to a number of communities that practice, or at one time practiced pastoralism in western India. The Gawali now live in some parts of Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Goa since last 400 years and their population is in multiple lakhs now. They have remained backward economically and socially, apart from the constitutional safeguards which are enjoyed by the Scheduled Tribes. Still 80% of Gavali community people are buffalo feeders and are in the same milk vending business and some people have private jobs. Their earnings are meager, they are hardly able to meet the expenditure of their daily needs and they don’t have any other source of income. Due to lack of information, knowledge, education and financial support, neither they able to do any other business nor they get any good jobs. 95% of Gavali community people are uneducated and live under very drastic condition irrespective of modern life style. Still most of the families wander from place to place in hope of getting good livelihood. The Rabari or Rewari live throughout the Rajasthan, and Gujarat, states in India. There are many other Rabari families who also live in Pakistan, especially in the region of Sindh. Rabaris are also known by other names such as Desai, Dewasi, Hiravanshi, Rebari, Rebadi, and Rayka or Raika. The word "Rabari" basically means the "outsiders". This is because of the traditional trade they used to do in times past. The Rabari's main business used to be raising cattle, camels and goats; for some traditional-minded families this is still the case. However, the new generation is slowly moving away from this way of life. These animals needed lots of space for grazing and pasturing. Due to this reason, the Rabari couldn't live in town houses and have room for their animals also. They started living on the outskirts of towns and beyond for this reason. This community was given a name by the general populace -"Dhani". Dhani means the Basti-community,because they were outside the main community, so the name became Rabari for these wandering and herding people. Rabaris are mainly dependent on the milk profession. Other communities like them are identified by different names in different regions of the country like Maldhari, Dhanger, Gowda etc. The only commonality is the profession of cattle raising. They have lived in different parts of India for millennia. While Rabari are comparatively a recent migrant. They are the part of Huns (Hunas). Rabaris have a very rich cultural past and present. They are known for their "Rabari Bharat (Embroidery)", especially in Kutch. Embroidery is a vital, living, and evolving expression of the crafted textile tradition of the Rabaris. Rabari women diligently embroider on textiles as an expression of creativity, aesthetics and identity as far back as the tribe’s collective memory goes. Rabari embroidery is very vigorous, with many bold shapes. Designs are taken from mythology and from their desert surroundings. They use glass mirrors in various shapes: round, lozenge, rectangular, square, triangular, and beak shaped. The stitches are square chain interlaced with buttonholes for mirror work, single chain, knot, Romanian, blankets interlaced with herringbone, running, and double running. Another interesting aspect of Rabari women is their earrings which are the most abstract form of snake earrings. Women in Puskar, Rajasthan describe a mushroom as snake umbrella, because it comes out after the rains and snakes have the habit of hiding under its hood. The nagali earring is supposed to stand for the double shape of the mushroom. Peripatetic Nomads Throughout South Asia, there are groups of nomads who are peddlers, itinerant minstrels, dancers and dramatists. These peripatetic nomads do not constitute a monolithic groups, but includes numerous groups often refer to themselves as jatis or quoms. Some of the peripatetic nomads are, The Abdal are one of a number of Muslim semi-nomadic community, traditionally associated with begging at shrines of Sufi saints. They are likely to be a division of the Domba community. The word Abdal is the plural form of the Arabic word Abdul, which means slave or follower. According to the traditions of the Abdal, they acquired this name on account of the fact that they were followers of various Sufi saints. The Abdal of Bihar speaks the Maithili language, and is found mainly in the district of Purnea, while other Abdal communities speak the language of the region they reside in. The Aheria are a scheduled caste of India that number about 140,000. Their name means hunter. This was their main occupation prior to the 1920s. Since then they have become farmers. The Aheria are found mainly in the states of Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. Most of the Aheria are Hindus and speak Hindi. However there are 17 other languages spoken by Aheria people, the most numerous being Harauti which has about 2,000 speakers among the Aheria. The Aheria are also known as Aheriya, Aheri, Ahiria, Bahelia or Baheliya, Beta, Herbi, Heri, Hersi, Hesi, Karwal or Karbal, Naik, Thori or Turi. The Bakho are a nomadic community, who are a traditionally associated with singing folk songs. They visit their patrons from other castes on special occasions, such as a birth of a child. The community speaks Urdu. Little is known about their origin, but it is likely they are division of the Dom community, which sometime in the distant past converted to Islam. They are found mainly in the districts of Begusarai, Patna, Champaran and Nalanda. The communities are strictly endogamous, and are culturally aloof from neighbouring Bihari Muslim communities. They have often been prevented from using Mosques and graveyards frequented by Bihari Muslims. The Bangali are semi-nomadic tribal grouping, who are said to by origin Sansiya. They are said to have separated from the Sansi parent group when they took up snake charming. The majority of the Bangali are now settled, occupying their settlements of reed huts at the edge of established villages. They are found mainly in the Doab region, with two clusters, one in Muzaffarnagar District in the villages of Bhokaredhi, Kamhera, and Kithora and the other in Bijnor District, in the villages of Raoli and Seemla Fatehpur. The Bangali speak their own dialect, which contains substantial Punjabi loanwords. The Bansphor are a Hindu caste found in the state of Uttar Pradesh in India. They are also known as Banbasi, and have scheduled caste status. The community gets their name from the Hindi words bans, meaning bamboo and phorna which mean to split. They are a community that was traditionally involved in the manufacture of bamboo items for household usage. According to traditions, they are one of the seven sub-groups of the Dom community. Their own traditions refer to a Bans Rajah, a prince who said to have ruled in the Awadh region, from whom the community descends. They are found throughout Uttar Pradesh, with special concentrations in the districts of Farrukhabad, Saharanpur and Pilibhit in western Uttar Pradesh, and Sitapur, Kheri, Hardoi, Pratapgarh and Lucknow in Awadh, and Mirzapur and Lalitpur in southern Uttar Pradesh. The western Bansphor speak Khari boli, while those in Awadh speak Awadhi. A section of the Bansphor in Saharanpur and Moradabad have converted to Islam, and now form a distinct community of Muslim Bansphor. The other peripatetic Nomads are Bazigar, Bede , Boria, Deha, Dharhi, Dharkar, Dom, Gadia Lohar, Gandhila, Habura, Heri, Hurkiya , Kalabaz, Kan, Kanjar, Karwal, Kela, Mirasi , Mirshikar, Nat, Pamaria, Patharkat , Perna , Qalandar , Sansi , Sapera Muslims , Sapera and Sapuria. Little is known about the relationship between the Nomads (also known as Adivasis) and non-Adivasis communities during the Hindu and Muslim rules. There are stray references to wars and alliances between the Rajput kings and tribal chieftains in middle India and in the North-East between the Ahom Kings of Brahmaputra valley and the hill Nagas. They are considered to be ati-sudra meaning lower than the untouchable castes. Even today, the upper caste people refer to these peoples as jangli, a derogatory term meaning "those who are like wild animals" – uncivilized or sub-human. The Nomads (Adivasis) have few food taboos, rather fluid cultural practices and minimal occupational specialization; while on the other hand, the mainstream population of the plains has extensive food taboos, more rigid cultural practices and considerable caste-based occupational specialization. In the Hindu caste system, the nomads (Adivasis) have no place. The so-called mainstream society of India has evolved as an agglomeration of thousands of small-scale social groups whose identities within the larger society are preserved by not allowing them to marry outside their social groups. The subjugated groups became castes forced to perform less desirable menial jobs like sweeping, cleaning of excreta, removal of dead bodies, leather works etc - the untouchables. Some of the earliest small-scale societies dependent on hunting and gathering, and traditional agriculture seem to have remained outside this process of agglomeration. These are the Nomads of present day. Their autonomous existence outside the mainstream led to the preservation of their socio-religious and cultural practices, most of them retaining also their distinctive languages. Widow burning, enslavement, occupational differentiation, hierarchical social ordering etc are generally not there. Though there were trade between the Nomads and the mainstream society, any form of social intercourse was discouraged. Caste India did not consciously attempt to draw them into the orbit of caste society. But in the process of economic, cultural and ecological change, Nomads have attached themselves to caste groups in a peripheral manner, and the process of de-tribalisation is a continuous one. Many of the Hindu communities have absorbed the cultural practices of the Nomads. Although Hinduism could be seen as one unifying thread running through the country as a whole, it is not homogenous but in reality a conglomeration of centuries old traditions and shaped by several religious and social traditions which are more cultural in their essence (and including elements of Adivasis socio-religious culture). A blend of culture, religion and ethnicity is represented by the Nomadic people of Karnataka. These Nomads of Karnataka have built their settlements in several hilly and mountainous areas. As far as the languages are concerned, the Nomads of Karnataka state converse with each other in different languages. Kananda language is the main language. Today these nomads of Karnataka speak in other languages like Malayalam, Hindi etc. Following the tradition of most of the tribes of the whole country, these tribes of Karnataka too have taken diverse religions. Although Hinduism is the most prevalent religion, there are only a handful of nomads of Karnataka who have adept to religions like Islam and Christianity. Several other nomadic communities of Karnataka possess their distinct tradition and ethnicity. They communicate in their local dialect and they also maintain their own tradition. Some of them are also reckoned as being originated from the warrior race. Coorg and Kodavas are known for their cultural and traditional distinctions among the tribal communities. Fairs and festivals too are an integral part of the culture of and tradition of the state of Karnataka. A renowned dance format of the nomadic communities of Karnataka is the open- air folk theatre, better known as Bayalata. This dance-drama in general has four or five actors or actresses, aided by a jester. The theme of this dance drama centers on several mythological stories. However, there are times when true life incidents are also emphasized in this dance of the nomads of Karnataka. This dance is executed at religious festivals and various social and family occasions. Generally these festivals start at night and carry on till quite a long period of time. The nomads of Karnataka enact several famous stories of the great epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata. Certain norms are to be followed while performance by the nomads of Karnataka while undertaking dance performances. For instance the costumes are complicated, the make-up is loud, facial expression are vital and are usually associated with thunderous noises and ‘war-cries’. The nomads of Karnataka are also known for their costumes, cultural habits, folk dances and songs, foods and their way of celebrating different festivals and occasions. The long list of the nomadic tribes of Karnataka state includes Bedar tribe, Toda tribe, Hakkipikki tribe, Jenu Kuruba tribe, Kadu Kuruba tribe, Kattunayakan tribe, Konda Kapus tribe, Sholaga tribe etc. Among several tribal communities of the state of Karnataka, this Bedar tribe is worth mentioning which is far famed in several names, namely, Beda, Berad, Boya, Bendar, etc. Another tribal community of Karnataka is the Hakkipikki tribe. The birth of this Hakkipikki tribal community has rich history, which also establishes a relation with the famous Ranaprathap Singh. Kadu Kuruba tribe is one of the significant tribes who have got the rich tradition of worshiping stone and also their predecessors with lots of festivity and enthusiasm. Apart from these tribal groups, the Kattunayakan tribe is said to be the descendants of the Pallavas. Collection of food is one of the chief professional activities of the Kattunayakan tribes who also have got inclination to religious values and ethnicity. Konda Kapus tribe falls in the list of the scheduled tribes in the whole of the Indian subcontinent exulting in its culture and tradition. Another important tribal group, Sholaga tribe, has a belonging to the Kannada group. Numerous members of the Sholaga tribes converse with each other in the beautiful language of Sholaga , which is also famous amongst other people in different names like Kadu Sholigar, Sholiga, Sholigar, Solaga, Soliga, Soligar, Solanayakkans, Sholanayika. They are the followers of Hindu religion. Moreover, the wonderful houses, good clothes, ennobled language has drawn the attention of many people towards the tradition of this Toda tribal community. These tribes have added multiplicity in the culture and tradition of Karnataka. REVIEW OF LITERATURE Review 1: World Psychiatry. 2004 June; 3(2): 110–114. Teferra Beyero, Atalay Alem, Derege Kebede, Teshome Shibire, Menelik Desta, and Negussie Deyessa Mental disorders among the Borana semi-nomadic community in Southern Ethiopia. ABSTRACT This study aimed to estimate the lifetime prevalence and socio-demographic correlates of psychiatric disorders among the Borana semi-nomadic community of the Oromia region of Ethiopia. 1854 people of both sexes, aged 15 years and above, were interviewed during the survey. The households were selected by using a cluster sampling method proportionate to population size. The interviews were conducted by trained high school graduates using the Oromiffa version of the Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI). The lifetime prevalence of ICD-10 mental disorders, including substance abuse, was 21.6%. Affective disorders were found in 1.7% of the study population, whereas neurotic and somatoform disorders constituted 14%. No cases of schizophrenia were detected. The prevalence of substance use was 10.1%. Studies using other methods, including interview by clinicians, might shed more light on the nature of mental illness in this unique community. Mental illness is now being recognized as a major public health problem throughout the world. Prevalence studies highlight the gravity of the problem and thereby challenge policy makers to take appropriate action. There are few prevalence studies done on isolated population groups. One is the Amish study, which reported a preponderance of affective disorders among cases of mental illness (1). Other similar studies were done on Formosan aborigines in Taiwan (2) and among the Hutterites, a unique religious group in North America (3, 4). Both studies reported a low prevalence of schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. There are no published studies of mental disorders in a nomadic community in Africa. The objective of this study was to estimate the prevalence of psychiatric disorders and their socio-demographic correlates among the Borana semi-nomadic community, in the Oromia region of southern Ethiopia. The Borana Oromo is a distinct group among the Oromo peoples of Ethiopia. The Borana, which are believed to be the ancestors of all of the Oromo ethnic groups, are among the few nomadic groups existing today. They live in seven districts of the zone extending over a Savannah grassland area of more than 500 km diameter in the southern part of the country bordering Kenya. The Borana move from place to place in search of grazing land and water for their cattle, especially during the severe periodic drought seasons, which occur as frequently as every 2 to 3 years. They mostly live on milk and meat. It is important to study unique and isolated communities like the semi-nomadic community in Borana to see whether the pattern of mental illness there has any peculiarity, and what aspects, if any, can be attributed to the unique environment and living conditions. The study, which is a cross-sectional survey, was conducted in three areas of the Borana zone (Didara, Didi Yabello, and Megado) between mid-June and mid-August 2000 and in August 2001. The study population was selected from the three areas by a cluster sampling method proportionate to size. Information regarding the population in the area was obtained from the respective local registries. The list of the villages and their populations was used as a sampling frame. Cumulative population and sampling intervals (cumulative total population/number of clusters) were calculated. After a random identification of an initial village, 30 villages were systematically selected. A systematic sample of households from each village was taken after identifying an initial starting household by a random number method. All members of the selected household aged 15 and above were included in the study. The same procedure was repeated for all three areas in which the survey was conducted. The Borana dialect Oromiffa version of the Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI, 5) was used in the survey. The section on eating disorders was left out of the interview, because the condition was not regarded as a problem in the region. Questions were read to the study subjects. If a question was not clear, the interviewers were instructed to read the question again but not to attempt to modify it or give any clarification. Each answer was coded and the interviewers circled the appropriate code (a number) corresponding to the response of the subject. The questionnaire was pre-tested in a similar community outside the sampled population before the survey was launched. Twenty-three high school graduates were recruited as interviewers from the towns near the study sites. The recruits were given two weeks of training in CIDI interview techniques and instructions on completing the questionnaire. Officials in various levels of administration in the area were contacted before the launching of the study to inform them of the purpose of the study. Guides were provided to the survey team by the officials to direct the interviewers to the various villages. A field supervisor, who was employed by the study project from the area, gathered village elders before every visit to a village, to introduce the interviewers to them and to inform them of the purpose of the study. Approaching a house that was selected for the study, the interviewers first introduced themselves and then identified household members aged 15 and above. They then asked each interviewee for his/her consent to participate in the study. All interviews were conducted in private. Male interviewers interviewed male respondents, and female interviewers interviewed female respondents because of cultural sensitivities. If the individuals in the selected households were not available for the interview, a maximum of three visits to that particular household were made by the data collectors. All the questionnaires were edited for proper completion on a daily basis by a research assistant and by the field supervisor. Interviewers were sent back to households to have incomplete questionnaires completed. The CIDI Data Entry Program version 3.0 was used for data entry. The ICD-10 diagnoses were generated by the CIDI computer algorithms, which were then used for analysis. The EPI-INFO version 6 was used for descriptive analysis. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 10.0 was used for bivariate and multivariate analysis. The study was approved by the ethical review committees of the Amanuel Psychiatric Hospital and the Ethiopian Science and Technology Commission. The total study population consisted of 1,854 subjects. 1,067 (57.6%) were females. Fifty-seven percent were under the age of 40, 66.8% were married, 87.7% were working at the time of the survey, and 92.2% had no prior formal education. The lifetime prevalence of all psychiatric disorders, including substance abuse, was 21.6%. That of mental disorders excluding substance abuse was 14.6%. Subjects with only one diagnosis were 10.8%, while the rest of the cases had two or more diagnoses. Neurotic and somatoform disorders were the most frequent disorders, with a lifetime prevalence of 14%.The prevalence of affective disorders was 1.7%. Alcohol dependence was found in 1.6% of the study population and tobacco dependence in 3.6%. No cases of schizophrenia were detected in this study (Table (Table11). Review 2: Abdalla, Ali Jamma’a (1994) Empowering pastoral organisations in the Sudan Nomadic pastoralism and extension. Abstract In reviewing the literature 1 Catherine Butcher on pastoralism and extension two features were soon apparent: 1) the majority of articles, reports and books deal with sub-saharan Africa and 2) extension is a term used less in the pastoral literature than in literature dealing with livestock within mixed-farming systems. Much of the pastoral literature clearly has an extension element, but terms such as development, management or administration are preferred. Traditionally extension has been seen as information delivery to farmers (Moris 1991). Alongside information delivery, training in the use of new technology may be given and as a start, a definition that covers information delivery and training in new technology is adequate. Contemporary literature on extension however includes a third facet, the creation of indigenous institutions that take decisions and allow exchange of information. The definition of extension used here will include all three aspects: provision of information, training and institution creation. The limited impact of extension within the pastoral sector is widely recognized (Odell and Odell 1980, Sandford 1983, Baxter 1985, Moris 1991, Bonfiglioli 1992, de Haan 1993). Attributes commonly found in pastoral environments mean that traditional extension models are inappropriate for use in a pastoral environment. Reasons given in the literature for this limited impact can be grouped under 1) characteristics of the physical environment and the wider socio-political situation which are largely beyond the control of either the pastoralists themselves or an existing or planned extension service, and 2) characteristics of the extension services that are susceptible to change, to a lesser or greater extent. Pastoral areas are not isolated from national or international political and socioeconomic aspects and in the planning of development programmers, the interactions between the pastoral and broader sectors must be taken into account 1 This review is restricted to material in the ODI library and uses books, published conference proceedings, journals and ‘grey’ literature i.e. unpublished conference proceedings, project proposals and reports.2 to achieve a holistic approach (Johnson 1992, Bonfiglioli 1992). However these aspects are largely beyond the scope of this review. Review 3: Danau Tanu. The University of Western Australia ( 1-3 July 2008.) Global nomads: Towards a study of ‘Asian’ third culture kids. Abstract While nation-states still command authority over the demarcation of their borders, the increasing global flow of capital, goods and people means that the development of our attitudes toward identity is outstripping the ability of the nation-state to keep the definition of our identity tightly under its control. It can control what gets printed on our passports, but not what gets printed in our minds and hearts. Children and youths leading highly mobile lives are particularly vulnerable to the discomfort arising from the discrepancy between the name of the country printed on their passport and their sense of identification with that country. These children have been called by various names including, ‘internationally mobile youths,’ ‘global nomads’ and ‘third culture kids.’ Their transient globe-trotting lifestyle suggests that they are living at the forefront of globalization, and yet not enough research has been done on them (Cockburn, 2002; McLachlan, 2005). This paper will highlight the complex identity issues faced by these so-called ‘third culture kids’ (TCKs) as a result of their highly mobile lives. Existing work on the subject has focused mainly on describing the nature and experiences of TCKs in an attempt to raise awareness of the struggles they go through and the benefits that their heightened intercultural understanding might bring. Yet, little work has been done to incorporate the research into the wider framework of discourse on identity. This paper will examine how Stuart Hall and Erik Erikson’s work on identity and adolescence provides an important framework for further understanding how globalization has impacted TCKs’ sense of identity. The need to study the role of ‘international education’ in developing intercultural sensitivity among TCKs will also be discussed. Finally, I will argue a case for studying TCKs whose parents are from Asia, particularly those living in Jakarta where there has been a boom in international schools which accommodate TCKs. Review 4: Beck, Lois 1978 Women among the Qashqa'i Nomadic Pastoralists in Iran Abstract The notable degree of integration between the sexes is emphasized in this study of the Qashqa'i, a nomadic, Turkic-speaking group who practices transhumance in the Zagros mountains of Iran. Males and females perform many tasks cooperatively, including much of the work of setting up and dismantling camps. Specialization exists, however, with men doing work away from the tent (herding, trading in towns) while women remain at home, engaged in household work, gathering wood, water and wild plants, child care, and spinning and weaving, deriving prestige from these skills. Women weave the tent as well as household items; in some groups, women weave objects for sale. Women as well, prepare animal and milk products for markets but-except for those who have become sedentary in or near towns-do not receive proceeds from sales. Marriage tends to be endogamous, and females retain closeness to and protection from their father and brothers. Polygyny is rare is rare except for barrenness. Although the Qashqa'i are nominally Shiite Muslims, shari'a is not strictly followed and they prefer their integrated male-female lifestyle to that of the more orthodox persian-speaking population. Beck attributes the substantial degree of gender equality in part to the absence of male and female solidarity groups, but notes that recent changes, such as growth of power of the national state, a decline in the availability of land and pasture, an increase in the need for cash, and the mechanization of migration are all contributing to a diminution of women's power and prestige. Review 5: Birks, John Stace 1985 Traditional and Modern Patterns of Circulation of Pastoral Nomads: The Duru' of South-East Arabia. Abstract This is a case study of Duru pastoral nomads in Oman, in part of the Empty Quarter of the Arabian Peninsula. The traditional camel-herding of the Duru, based on transhumance between winter pasture and summer oasis is increasingly being replaced by wage-labor in the oil fields. Male out-migration has reduced the quantity of labor available for camel herding, producing a decline in the number of camels and a relative increase in the number of goats and sheep. Moreover, sedentarization has resulted in an increase in agricultural activities based on water extracted by pumps. Women's roles and activities have also changed: today, more women are involved in herding goats and sheep, and in small gardening. This study documents a good example of the feminization of pastoralism. Review 6: Bonte, Pierre 1977 Troupeaux et familles chez les éleveurs sahéliens-Annexe 2. In Les systèmes pastoraux sahéliens Abstract This discussion of the economic relations of production in a pastoral society includes theories on social reproduction, herd reproduction, and economic viability of a group. Through a study of the WoDaaBe of Niger and the Farfaru of Nigeria to represent the Peulh compared with the Kel Gress Twareg, Bonte illustrates the different characteristics of the social and herd reproduction in non-stratified and highly stratified societes. Kinship relations are contrasted, as well as animal exchange and circulation, especially with regard to marriage. He makes five major points: (1) There is a parallel reproduction of the herd and family. (2) Kinship systems are linked to livestock exchange. (3) There is a difference in the female devolution of livestock: the matrilineal Twareg has both, men and women participating in the formation of the herd whereas in patrilineal systems this type of devolution is not favored. However, the influence of Islam has favored this type of devolution because a woman has rights to half of the inheritance even if the animals are left in her parents'herd. (4) The economic difference between polygamy and monogamy for women is that in polygamy a woman has usufruct rights to animals and in monogamy (Moors and Twareg) women are livestock owners. (5) Access to labor, marriage, kinship, domestic group, generational authority, and livestock exchange are analyzed and compared to form a typology of three different models. He tries to establish a link between the fluidity of social relations and changing ecosystems in the economic reproduction of pastoralist societies. He concludes with a discussion of why the impact of the drought was so great on pastoralists. Interesting article for for comparison of economic aspects of gender roles in diverse pastoralist societies. Review 7: Broch-Due, Vigdis 1981 Women and Pastoral Development: Some Research Priorities for the Social Sciences. In The Future of Pastoral Peoples, Nairobi, Kenya, 4-8 August 1980. J. G. Galatay et al., eds. Ottawa, Ontario: International Development Research Centre. Abstract This paper calls for 1980s research on women in pastoral societies, arguing that women's subsurviant position stems from the political and social structure, and that social and economic change (commercialization, sedentarization) are altering these systems and will particularly affect women. The authors urge attention to the interaction of people and resources, including differentiation by gender and age. This requires intra- as well as interhouseholds analysis, and a recognition that external forces (technical change, governments programs) have different effects on men and women altough development projects have usually ignored or excluded impacts on women. Noting contratictory findings with respect to whether development projects help or hinder women, the authors seek an analytical social science framework for identifying variables that define women's evolving positions and potentials. Review 8: Dahl, Gudrun 1987 The Realm of Pastoralist Women: Abstract Dahl introduces this issue of Ethnos, a collection of ethnographic articles with theoretical insights on issues related to women in pastoral production systems. The collection draws on a comprehensive approach to relationships between processes of production and reproduction in order to highlight the significant roles played by women in various pastoralists economies. By detailing different axes of social differentiation, division of labor, and ideological elements, most of the aiuthors clarify the economic roles and relative status of women in their communities. Contrary to earlier anthropological treatments of pastoral women as socially and productively subordinate to man, these articles point out both direct and indirect ways that women contribute to subsistence production. Special attantion is paid to presenting women as a heterogeneous social category with divergent interests that depend on such variables as class position, age, fertility, agnatic support, mobility, access to market, inheritance and residence laws, and a host of other culturally specific factors. This collection builds on the assumption that female subordination in pastoral communities is rooted in social relations and varies in nature and degree from one society to another. Most of the articles point to culturally specific channels regularly used by women to enhance their relative status in intergender hierarchies. Review 9: Dupire, Margherite 1962 Peuls nomads-Paris, France: Institut d'Ethnologie. Abstract Marguerite Dupire's comprehensive and detailed ethnography of the WooDaaBe of Niger is based on fieldwork carried out in 1951. The volume includes sections on WooDaaBe history and legend, the pastoral economy, family and kinship relations, lineage relations, and social institutions. Dupire goes into some detail regarding women's activity and rights to livestock. The composition of herds reflects the overriding emphasis on milk production, which assures food and revenues daily. WoDaaBe women are thus crucial to the pastoral economy as they control the production and sale of milk and butter and also care for cows and calves when they are ill. Although men are responsible for providing millet and children's clothing, In fact they rely on women's revenues for milk and butter sales so as not to sell off livestock. The income women earn from milk and butter sales is also used to purchase salt, pimento, other condiments, clothing for the women, beads and bracelets. Dupire explains that women receive cattle from their families either as gifts or through inheritance. The cattle belong to the woman in that they control the milk, keep the animals in case of divorce, and bequeath the cattle to their children. But it is fathers and husbands who manage this livestock, and even sell the animals if the need arises. Dupire notes that until they give birth to children, WoDaabe women prefer to keep their cattle with their natal families to prevent their husbands from mismanaging the animals. Review 10: Gast, Marceau 1979 Pastoralisme nomade et pouvoir: La société traditionelle des Kel Ahaggar. In Pastoral Production and Society (Production pastorale et société), Paris, France, 1-3 December 1976. Abstract Demonstrates historically how a kinship system based on matrilineality among the Kel Ahaggar Tuareg was the foundation for relations of production. Endogamous marriages reinforce the suzerain's rights. Gast believes this is due to the need to replace men lost to wars and raids, as they often are among the Tuareg. Inheritance follows islamic law. With french colonization, the imposition of taxes, borders, and the new social and economic order, paralized the Kel Ahaggar. Gast notes that the aristocratic women have accepted new roles in performing domestic work and guarding the herds. Assessing precolonial gender roles helps in assessing current gender relations and how they have recently changed for both aristocratic and servile class Tuareg Women. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Table: 1 Pearson correlation of mental health, Depression, Anxiety and Stress (N=300) Mental health Depression Anxiety Stress Pearson correlation .124 .078 .149 Significant .176 .176 .010 The above table reveals the Pearson correlation score of Depression, Anxiety and Stress. The score are .124, .078 and .149 respectively. There is no significant difference in the Pearson correlation score of mental health, depression and anxiety. But there is significant difference in the stress score. The reason for these semi-nomadic people to have high level of mental health, depression and anxiety is because they don’t have proper food, water, clothing and shelter. These people have to wait for each meal until they earn their income or beg. Table: 2 Mean Mental health score of groups of Sillekyatha, Dombidas and Korma and results of ANOVA. Mental health Group Mean SD F -value Sillekyatha 120.25 7.38 *1.39 Dombidas 120.85 7.36 Kormas 119.10 7.84 Total 120.07 7.54 Above table reveals the mean score of Sillekyatha, Dombidas and Korma is 120.25, 120.85 and 119.10. The total mean score is 120.07 respectively. The high mean score of Sillekyatha it indicates the fact that the Sillekyatha and Dombidas nomads are having good Mental health than the Korma. The obtained F-value is 1.39. It is not significant. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected. These people don’t have proper food to eat, clothes to wear and shelter to protect them from the different weathers. As a result they mentally and physical suffer due to starvation, lack of hospital facilities. Graph No. 2 shows the graph of mental health. Table: 3 showing mean, SD and F-value of Depression of different Nomads group. (N=300). Group Mean SD F-value Sillekyatha 28.07 2.00 *12.40 Dombidas 28.29 1.95 Korma 29.50 2.55 Total 28.62 2.68 A significant difference was observed among above three selected groups in their mean depression score. Where F-value is 12.40 was found to be highly significant. The mean depression score of three groups, Sillekyatha, Dombidas and Kormas are 28.07, 28.29 and 29.50. The total mean score is 28.62 respectively. Further Scheffe’s post hoc test indicated that three groups have depression, but the Kormas have more depression than the other two groups. All the multiple comparisons of mean differences were found to be highly significant at .001. Therefore, the hypothesis is accepted. The reason for their depression is that most of the people are unemployed, Illiterate and lack the basic necessities in their daily life. Graph No. 3 shows the graph of depression. Table: 4 Mean Anxiety score of Sillekyatha, Dombidas and Korma respondent’s groups results of ANOVA. (N=300) Anxiety Groups Mean SD F-value Sillekyatha 24.08 4.09 *12.78 Dombidas 24.78 3.95 Korma 26.83 3.94 Total 25.23 4.15 A significant difference was observed among the above three selected groups in their mean score of Anxiety. Where the F-value is 12.78 which is highly significant. The mean anxiety score of the three groups- Sillekyatha mean score is 24.08, Dombidas mean score is 24.78 and Korma mean score is 26.83. The total mean score is 25.23 respectively. Further Shheffe’s post hoc test indicated that three groups have anxiety, but kormas have more anxiety than the other three groups. All the multiple comparisons of mean difference were found to be highly significant at .000 level. Therefore, the hypothesis is accepted. The three groups have high level of anxiety, but the Kormas are more in anxiety level compared to the other two groups. The reason for high level of anxiety is because of low sales for their good and the materials (Bamboo) used for making the baskets are costly. These people don’t have proper houses to stay food and clothing. They also move from place to pace in order to sell their good as a result these people are more prone to high level of anxiety. Graph No.4 shows the graph of anxiety. Table: 5 Mean Stress score of Sillekyatha, Dombidas and Korma respondent’s groups results of ANOVA. (N=300) Stress Group Mean SD F-value Sillekyatha 29.89 3.25 *.121 Dombidas 29.96 2.97 Korma 30.09 2.45 Total 29.98 2.90 Above table reveals the mean score for stress among the three groups, they are the Sillekyatha mean score is 29.89; Dombidas mean score is 29.96 and the Kormas mean score is 30.09. The total mean score is 29.98 respectively. There is no significant difference. Hence the hypothesis is rejected. The three groups do not have high level of stress. The reason might be that these three groups of nomads reside in the same area where their share the same environment that is not all that stressful. Graph No. 5 shows the graph of stress. Table: 6 Mean Depression, Anxiety and Stress score of Sillekyatha, Dombidas and Kormas respondent’s group results of ANOVA.(N=300) Depression Anxiety Stress Groups Mean SD F-value Sillekyatha 82.04 6.75 *14.45 Dombidas 83.07 5.70 Korma 86.40 5.44 Total 83.84 6.25 A significant difference was observed among the above three selected groups in their mean score of Depression, Anxiety and Stress. Where the F-value is 14.45 which is found to be highly significant. The mean score of Sillekyatha is 82.04, the mean score for Dombidas is 83.07 and the mean score for Kormas is 86.40. the total mean score is 83.84 respectively. The three groups have high level of depression, anxiety and stress, but the Korma is more compared to the other two groups. It is highly significant at .000 level. Therefore the hypothesis is accepted. The reason for high level of depression, anxiety and stress among the kormas is due to poverty, lack of income, and for women they do not have the required materials for cooking, problems during menstruation, child rearing and caring the day to day routines. Graph No. 6 shows the graph of depression, anxiety and stress. Table: 7 Mean Mental health score of gender of the sub groups and the results of T-test. (N=300) Mental health Gender N Mean SD t-value Male 149 21.44 2.45 *2.20 Female 151 20.90 2.03 The above table reveals the mean score of mental health among the gender. The mean male score is 21.44 and the female mean score is 20.90. The mean score of mental health is found in both the groups, but it is more among female. It is significant. Therefore the hypothesis is accepted. The reason for mental health high among females is due to poverty. Even the husbands drink and bet up their wife’s. Up bring of children and trying to see that everyone in the family gets one or two meal a day. Graph No. 7 shows the graph of mental health. Table: 8 Mean Depression score of gender of the sub groups and the results of T-test. (N=300) Depression Gender N Mean SD T-value Male 149 28.52 2.45 *2.20 Female 151 28.72 2.06 The above table reveals the mean score of depression among the gender. The mean score of male is 28.52 and female mean score is 28.72. The t-value is 2.20 respectively. The high mean score of depression is found both in male and female, but the depression level is more among female. It is significant at .005 level. Therefore the hypothesis is accepted. In the above results the female has high level of depression. The reasons might be due to poverty, unemployment, lack of nutrition, illiteracy, low sanitary facilities, being a spinster for a long period of time. Graph No.8 shows the graph of depression. Table: 9 Mean Anxiety score of gender of the sub groups and the results of T-test. (N=300) Gender N Mean SD t-value Male 149 25.06 4.22 *.483 Female 151 25.40 4.08 The above table shows the mean score of Anxiety among the gender. The male mean score is 25.06 and the female mean score is 25.40. The t-value is .483. There is no significant difference. Therefore the hypothesis is rejected. The anxiety level is high among female the reasons are bring up of children and with low income she looks after the family, lack of health care, fear of been beaten by her husband. Graph No. 9 shows the graph of anxiety. Table: 10 Mean Stress score of gender of the sub groups and the results of T-test. (N=300). Stress Gender N Mean SD T-value Male 149 29.48 2.33 *3.02 Female 151 30.48 3.30 The above table reveals the mean score of stress in gender. The mean score of male is 29.48 and the mean score in female is 30.48. The high level of stress is found both in male and female, but the female has more of anxiety. It is significant at .005 level. Therefore the hypothesis is accepted. The reason for high level of stress among female is that, they have to wake up early in the morning to fill drinking water at the public taps on the street because other women’s will be there. Manage the house with little things that they have, some women also have stressful problem where they have to adjust with their Alcoholic Husbands. Graph No.10 shows the graph of stress. CONCLUSION Many of the challenges that confront nomadic communities today can be attributed to continue caste based discrimination and alienation from settled communities. 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